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Jessica Rett Colloquium

Jessica Rett
Rutgers University

The distribution of evaluativity

Friday, February 9, 3:30 pm, Machmer E-37

Abstract

The two questions in (1) differ in a striking way:

1. a. How tall is John?
b. How short is John?

While (1a) can be used without the presupposition that John is tall rather than short, (1b) comes with a presupposition that John is significantly short. However, this difference between antonyms is not constant across degree constructions. Neither of the comparatives in (2) presuppose or assert that John is significantly tall or significantly short (respectively).

2. a. John is taller than Bill.
b. John is shorter than Mary.

I refer to this semantic property -- reference to a degree that exceeds a standard -- as `evaluativity.' To account for the above facts, I derive the distribution of evaluativity in degree constructions based on A) the polarity of the antonym they involve, and B) the semantics of the degree construction itself. I argue that the evaluativity of the marked adjective form in (1) stems from the fact that the meanings of such constructions do not make use of the direction of the scale on which degrees are ordered. The lack of evaluativity in both forms in (2) is a result of the fact that the meanings of these constructions DO make use of the direction of the scale.